The temporary restrictions, which were put into effect at noon Monday, extend from the western boundary of unincorporated Jefferson County through the eastern limits of Golden, including Vanover Park.

Kayaks, river boards, whitewater canoes and multi-chambered professionally guided rafts are exempt but are encouraged to take extreme caution due to the safety concerns surrounding swift moving water and floating debris. All authorized users and occupants must use a Type I, Type III or Type V Coast Guard-approved flotation vest and helmet.

Water height and flows are expected to rise as the heavy snowpack continues to melt in the coming days.

The restrictions will be strictly enforced and violators may be issued a summons for a class 2 petty offense, punishable by a fine of up to $100.

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Evans, who represents Colorado’s competitive 8th Congressional District, criticized the state’s “radical leftist leaders” in a news release Monday after his resolution passed, saying they have enacted laws that “prioritize illegal immigrants over public safety.”

“The passing of my resolution ensures we condemn all acts of antisemitism and affirms that the free and open collaboration between state and local law enforcement with their federal counterparts is key in preventing future attacks like this,” he said.

All Republicans in Colorado’s congressional delegation voted in favor, except Lauren Boebert, who did not vote.

How is the Colorado congressional delegation voting?

One-hundred-thirteen Democrats, including Colorado's U.S. Reps. Jason Crow and Diana DeGette, voted against Evans' measure. The other two Democrats in Colorado's congressional delegation, U.S. Reps. Brittany Pettersen and Joe Neguse, voted in favor.

DeGette, in a news release, said Evans' resolution "exploits this incident to demonize migrants, celebrate ICE and ignore the real concerns of Jewish Americans."

She said she sided with a separate resolution introduced by Neguse that also condemns the attack but doesn't mention the alleged perpetrator, Mohamed Sabry Soliman, the Egyptian national who used Molotov cocktails to injure more than a dozen people -- some severely -- who were marching along the Pearl Street Mall in solidarity with hostages still being held captive by the militant group Hamas in Gaza.

Soliman faces 118 charges, including dozens of counts of attempted first-degree murder and first-degree assault.

Neguse's resolution has not yet received a vote in the House.

A third resolution introduced by New Jersey Republican U.S. Rep. Jeff Van Drew that condemned the Boulder attack and called for combating antisemitism in the United States passed the House on Monday by a 400-0 vote.

Evans' resolution lays out the various immigrant violations that authorities say were committed by Soliman, 45, since he first came to the country in 2022. He was living in Colorado Springs when authorities say he drove to Boulder on June 1 and targeted the hostage-advocacy group Run for Their Lives.

The attack, the resolution states, "demonstrates the dangers of not removing from the country aliens who fail to comply with the terms of their visas." And it "expresses gratitude to law enforcement officers, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement personnel, for protecting the homeland."

The votes on the competing resolutions came after a weekend of increasing violence and chaos in Los Angeles, as protesters demonstrated -- and in some cases rioted -- in response to federal immigration authorities acting under orders from the Trump administration arresting groups of suspected immigrants on Friday.

Protesters standing above the closed southbound 101 Freeway threw chunks of concrete, rocks, electric scooters and fireworks at California Highway Patrol officers and their vehicles that were parked on the highway. Officers ran under an overpass to take cover.

Nearby, at least four self-driving Waymo cars were set on fire, sending large plumes of black smoke into the sky and exploding intermittently as the electric vehicles burned.

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Questions mounted, too, over the legality of the governor’s move to turn over personal information to the agency leading the Trump administration’s mass deportation efforts, prompting a news conference that drew advocates as well as state lawmakers. Last week, a state official sued Polis to try to stop his office from responding to the subpoena from an arm of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

“We are outraged as state employees that our governor wanted us to actively support that assault on our community and (make) us, as state workers, accomplices in an illegal and morally reprehensible act,” Colorado WINS president Diane Byrne said during the news conference outside Denver city hall.

The frustration with Polis comes amid deepening division around federal immigration enforcement nationally. Marines and National Guard troops have been deployed in Los Angeles in response to protests against immigration enforcement. Speakers in Denver on Monday called for the release of a California labor leader who was injured and arrested by immigration authorities over the weekend.

Colorado WINS, along with the state’s AFL-CIO chapter, is set to join the lawsuit filed by Scott Moss, a director within the state Department of Labor and Employment, accusing Polis of violating state law that regulates how information can be shared with immigration authorities.

The suit accuses Polis of personally deciding to turn over personal information about the sponsors of unaccompanied, undocumented children to Immigration and Customs Enforcement, despite Moss’ protests in internal discussions that it was illegal and would violate the trust of immigrants.

Polis’ office has maintained that it can legally turn over the information because the subpoena is part of a “specific” criminal investigation regarding child abuse.

But his office has not provided evidence supporting that claim, beyond pointing to the subpoena itself. A copy of the subpoena obtained by The Denver Post does not describe a specific criminal investigation. It cites a civil statute related to deportations and describes “investigative activities” intended to proactively check on children and ensure their safety, rather than a response to allegations of abuse.

On Monday, Polis spokeswoman Shelby Wieman pointed to a recent statement from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security about its efforts to check on children. The agency said it had found cases of child exploitation and abuse elsewhere among unaccompanied minors.

“These welfare checks are not primarily immigration enforcement focused,” DHS wrote of its efforts to find and contact undocumented children, “but if ICE agents or officers encounter individuals who are in the United States illegally, they take them into custody and process them for removal in accordance with federal immigration law.”

Several Democratic lawmakers attended Monday’s press conference, which came shortly after an initial court hearing in Moss’ lawsuit. One legislator — Sen. Julie Gonzales of Denver — questioned how Polis “can continue to think that he can lead our state.”

She later deflected when asked if she was calling on Polis to resign.

Questions about investigation

Moss’ first hearing in Denver District Court was a largely administrative affair, with a more determinative hearing set for June 23.

Moss alleges that Polis initially declined to comply with a subpoena sent in late April by ICE, which sought employment and personal information about the sponsors of unaccompanied and undocumented children.

But, Moss wrote, the governor later “personally” decided to fulfill the request and ordered Moss and other state employees to comply. The subpoena, which is not signed by a judge, seeks personal information about the sponsors, who are typically relatives caring for the kids while they await deportation proceedings.

Polis’ reversal came shortly after he signed Senate Bill 276, which expands restrictions in the law limiting how state employees can share data with immigration authorities.

Polis’ decision violates state law, Moss alleges. He’s asking a judge to rule that Polis’ request is illegal. Through his lawyer, Polis has agreed not to fulfill the subpoena until a judge rules on the legality of the governor’s directive.

Wieman said the state — after allegedly resolving not to respond to the subpoena for roughly a month — now regretted the delay caused by Moss’ lawsuit.

Polis’ office repeatedly maintained that it could fulfill the subpoena because it was related to a “specific … investigation regarding child exploitation, abuse, and trafficking,” spokesman Eric Maruyama said Thursday. State law allows information-sharing with ICE if the information is part of a criminal investigation or if the subpoena is signed by a judge.

The subpoena refers to “investigative activities” and states that ICE is seeking employment information of sponsors “to ensure that these children are appropriately located, properly cared for, and are not subjected to crimes of human trafficking or other forms of exploitation.” The subpoena does not provide any indication that ICE has received allegations that misconduct is taking place. It does not reference a specific criminal investigation.

Above that description is a box that ICE officials could check if the subpoena was “in regard to an investigation involving child exploitation and/or transmission of child pornography via the internet.” The box is not checked. The statute cited in the subpoena relates to civil immigration enforcement and the “expedited removal of inadmissible arriving aliens.”

A spokesman for ICE did not return a message seeking comment last week.

“There is nothing on the face of the subpoena that suggests that this is related to a criminal investigation,” David Seligman, whose nonprofit law firm Towards Justice also joined Moss’ suit, said Monday.

Lawmakers also asked for details

Polis spokeswoman Wieman said Monday that officials carefully considered the state’s response “in accordance with Colorado law.”

When repeatedly asked if Polis’ office had received any evidence or indication of a specific ICE investigation into child abuse, Wieman pointed to the subpoena’s reference to “investigative activities.” She said that “specifics of the investigation are not typically shared while the investigation is ongoing.”

“If there are people criminally exploiting the children, the Governor wants to ensure they are held fully accountable to the law, which could include prosecution and deportation if they are here illegally,” Wieman wrote.

Rep. Lorena Garcia, an Adams County Democrat who co-sponsored the bill expanding the state’s rules around sharing information with ICE, said she asked Polis’ chief of staff and one of his attorneys about the subpoena last week.

She was told, she said, that Polis’ office “believed” there was an investigation. When Garcia and other lawmakers asked for evidence of such an investigation, they didn’t receive any, she said.

“What I took from that conversation was that they were making an assumption because (ICE) is making a request,” Garcia said.

The question may become central to Polis’ defense against Moss’ lawsuit. On Monday, Moss’ lawyer, Laura Wolf, asked Denver District Judge A. Bruce Jones to compel Polis’ office to provide evidence of the criminal investigation that Polis has said he is eager to support.

Jones declined to do so. But if Polis or his office testifies about an investigation without evidence supporting its existence, Jones said, he would exclude that testimony.

Polis is being represented in Moss’ lawsuit by a private attorney, not by the office of Attorney General Phil Weiser. Polis spokesman Maruyama said last week that Weiser’s office had provided unspecified legal advice about the subpoena and was thus conflicted out of representing Polis.

A spokesman for Weiser, who is currently defending the state’s immigration laws against a Trump administration lawsuit, declined to say what legal counsel the AG’s office had provided.

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Lindell also continued his attacks against Eric Coomer, the former Dominion Voting Systems executive, even as he sought to distance himself from claims that he specifically coordinated attacks against Coomer at a 2021 convention Lindell organized about the conspiracy theory.

Lindell attacked Coomer as merely seeking money and grinding a political ax.

“(I) cost Dr. Coomer what?” Lindell said in response to a question from one of Coomer’s attorneys. “He’s out there suing people for money.”

Coomer filed suit against Lindell in April 2022. He accused Lindell of defaming him in a series of statements and media appearances, causing emotional and physical distress and costing him his career in election security.

Lindell has accused Coomer of treason and said he belongs in jail for being “part of the biggest crime this world has ever seen.” Lindell doubled down on his attacks against Coomer from the witness stand — but argued many of the more salacious statements were because Coomer sued him and Lindell was angry about the “lawfare.”

However, Coomer notes in his lawsuit that Lindell tied him to wider conspiracies about Denver-based Dominion Voting Systems and called him “treasonous” as early as May 2021.

An attorney for Lindell, upon cross-examination, asked if Lindell was perhaps being hyperbolic with some of his rhetoric. Lindell responded that, “In my mind, it’s pretty big. Now, if that’s hyperbole, that’s subjective, I suppose.”

Coomer accuses Lindell of parroting remarks that started with Colorado-based podcaster Joe Oltmann and broadcasting them to a wider audience. Oltmann accused “Eric, the Dominion guy” of coordinating with forces opposed to President Donald Trump to deny his reelection in 2020.

Oltmann repeated the statements during a panel at Lindell’s “Cyber Syposium” that was held in South Dakota in August 2021. On the stand Monday, Lindell sought to distance himself from Oltmann’s statements then. Lindell said he had lost his voice, and left the organizing of the Oltmann’s panel to other people.

“Who put them up there, to this day, I could not tell you,” Lindell said.

“So that’s another thing you’re not taking responsibility for,” Coomer’s attorney, Charles J. Cain, said. “You’re not taking responsibility for what you’ve done to Dr. Coomer, and you’re not taking responsibility for who got up on your stage.”

Coomer’s lawsuit is being heard by a jury in U.S. District Court in Denver. Coomer is asking for a retraction of all defamatory remarks made by Lindell and monetary damages.

Dominion has filed its own series of lawsuits over allegations it rigged the 2020 election against Trump. The company settled one lawsuit with Fox News for nearly $800 million.

Coomer has accused Lindell of seeking to profit from his alleged defamation. His legal team cited examples of him offering promo codes associated with election fraud claims, including this case.

Lindell said his pillow company is on “the razor’s edge” in the fallout of him becoming the face of election fraud and that he now has to borrow money to make payroll.

Testimony resumes Tuesday, and the trial is expected to continue through this week.

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The concert venue’s proximity to multiple bus stops and rail stations “makes public transit a safe and ideal way to access the stadium,” the agency said in a press release Monday.

Concertgoers heading to watch one of the world’s biggest bands are encouraged to use the agency’s Next Ride trip planning tool and type “Coldplay” in the destination field. The trip planner will show all available transit options — along with departure times from the user’s current location — in real time to the concert.

The Auraria West Station will be closed from 3:30 p.m. to midnight because of the crowds. Riders should use the nearby Empower Field station.

Following Coldplay’s concert, Post Malone plays in the home of the Denver Broncos on June 15, followed by Metallica at the end of the month.

Transit riders are asked to plan ahead and prepare for large crowds, including on platforms, trains and buses.

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The office’s mandate is to speed up the entitlement process and improve customer service for applicants — those getting permits to build new structures or build out existing spaces around the city. At an April news conference, Johnston touted a 180-day “shot clock,” saying plans and permits would be approved within that time, and pledged refunds of up to $10,000 on fees if the city failed to do so.

Johnston didn’t provide specifics at the time on how the 180 days would be calculated or when refunds would be made. But last week, DPO Director Jill Jennings Golich shared documents with BusinessDen — the full text can be found here and here — on each of those points.

“The 180 days is purely city time,” she said.

But that can be somewhat complicated, especially since many projects require multiple permits issued by different city agencies. Jennings Golich encouraged applicants to submit plans simultaneously for each of the permits they’re applying for, for simplicity’s sake.

Inevitably, there will be some overlap in the building permit process. An applicant may be redoing its plumbing plans while the city is reviewing a separate electrical permit, for example.

In instances such as those, as long as the city is still reviewing a component of the overall building plans, the 180-day clock will be ticking, even if the applicant is working on other permits related to the project, according to the city.

“Any time that [application] is with a city discipline, we’re counting it as a city day,” said Robert Peek, a DPO official.

The 180-day pledge doesn’t apply to subdivision plats, concept plans, large development reviews or infrastructure master plans.

In terms of refunds, when the 180-day deadline is missed, Jennings Golich will initially review the application, checking its quality and the responses given by the city. Her report will be completed within 14 days.

DPO’s Executive Permitting Committee will then review the report and determine whether “the delay was attributable to the city due to things such as internal city processes or city review time,” according to the DPO documents. If the city is at fault, the applicant is eligible for a refund.

Denver says if it can’t process construction permits in roughly 180 days, the city will refund developers’ fees

But refunds will vary. Site development plans for a project smaller than an acre — a sizable category — will be eligible for a refund only of up to $500. For larger developments, the fee refunded can total up to $5,000, depending on the size of the property and how much the applicant paid in city fees.

For pure building permit reviews that exceed 180 days of city time, up to 5% of the permit plan review fee can be refunded, with a limit of $5,000 in total.

The maximum $10,000 refund could be reached if an applicant gets both a $5,000 site development plan refund and a $5,000 building permit fee refund.

The new DPO is responsible for more than just reviews and refunds. It is tasked with improving customer service by having a fully staffed, in-person permit counter where people can visit to ask questions. That will be up and running by Aug. 11, Jennings Golich said.

Currently, the Department of Excise and Licenses has a counter. A separate permitting one is staffed by a generalist, who likely couldn’t answer specific questions, Jennings Golich added.

The DPO doesn’t replace, but rather streamlines, the work of seven city agencies to expedite the permitting process. Denver Water and Xcel Energy are not subject to the department and its rules since they’re not city agencies.

One other key institution in the DPO that’s new will be the “project champions.” These individuals will be assigned to projects to provide one-on-one support to applicants throughout the process, advocating for applicants if they hit a snag.

“They’re getting those comments, reviewing them, ensuring there aren’t any conflicts, working through any issues,” Jennings Golich said.

Read more at our partner, BusinessDen.

Her release was confirmed by Medina’s husband, Pablo Acosta.

“To tell the truth, I feel very nervous, happy,” Acosta said in Spanish through a translator. “I can’t believe it, still, that this has happened.”

Medina won her asylum case in May. But because the federal government reserved the right to appeal on a single issue, she remained in the custody of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement through Monday.

She and her family first sought asylum in the United States in 2023, with Medina specifically saying that she feared domestic violence and threats made by her ex-partner in Honduras.

During the asylum process, Medina was picked up on Oct. 23 by ICE agents who arrived at Buckley’s entrance after she had approached to drop off a food delivery order. Medina said she had her work permit at the time.

A crowd of about two dozen people gathered at the ICE facility in May to call for her release.

Immigration-focused organizations that worked with both Medina and Acosta throughout the process are celebrating her release.

“It is a community win to have Carla free,” said Andrea Loya, the executive director of Casa de Paz. “She should not have missed all that time away from her kids. We are so happy to know that she will get to hug them tonight and put them to sleep.”

Jennifer Piper, the program director at the American Friends Service Committee, said, “The dedication of her husband, Pablo, and the support of community made a huge difference in her case.”

To her, “it vindicates what we’ve been saying all along,” Piper said. “So many do have life-threatening reasons why they (fled) their country of origin and that they trust us as a country to respect their human rights.”

Lundeen, of Monument, has served as the Senate minority leader since 2022 and in the Senate since 2019. Before that, he served in the Colorado House of Representatives and on the state Board of Education. 

He counted his work to rewrite the state’s public education funding formula, cut the state income tax and strengthen state laws against human trafficking among his chief accomplishments in the legislature.

Lundeen, who would be term-limited after the 2026 legislative session, is leaving to lead the American Excellence Foundation. The foundation helps steer donor investments to promote conservative public policy positions.

“Serving Colorado has been an honor and a blessing,” Lundeen said in a statement. “I am grateful to the people of Senate District 9 for the opportunity to fight for policies that empower individuals, protect our communities and promote prosperity. As I transition to a national platform, I am eager to continue advocating for personal freedom, economic opportunity, and common-sense conservative values.”

Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, thanked Lundeen for his decades of public service.

“Paul has always found ways to work across the aisle, and do what is best for the people he has served,” Polis said in a statement. “We’ve often found common ground on the issues that matter most to Coloradans, like education, public safety and growing our economy. Sen. Lundeen has spent decades in public service, in addition to his time leading small businesses, and his presence and leadership will be missed at the Capitol.”

Lundeen’s replacement will be picked through a vacancy committee. The Senate Republican caucus will meet to choose a new minority leader.

Sen. Cleave Simpson, of Alamosa, currently serves as the No. 2 Republican in the Senate.

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The snapshot report, which reflects how many people were homeless on a single night in January, shows that overall homelessness increased 12% over the 2024 count. But unsheltered homelessness — meaning people who are sleeping in tents or on the street — decreased 38%.

“We set this crazy, ambitious goal to end street homelessness in (my) first term,” said Mayor Mike Johnston. “And to be almost halfway there, almost halfway through term 1, I think reaffirms that’s not an impossible dream.”

A Denver-produced analysis of other cities’ point-in-time counts suggests the decline is the greatest multiyear reduction in unsheltered homelessness in U.S. history, Johnston said. Since the January 2023 count, which found 1,423 people living on the city’s streets, the unsheltered count has decreased 45%.

Johnston and his team downplayed the overall increase in homelessness, including by saying in a briefing document that it is “still increasing but leveling off” — despite a 12.5% increase this year, following a 12.4% increase in 2024. But they say the report proves their approach is working.

“People who are by far at the greatest health and safety risk in the city are folks who are living on the streets,” Johnston said. “It’s also what impacts the city most.”

During the 2024 point-in-time count, 1,273 people were unsheltered. And in January, there were just 785 counted in the city. That’s fewer than any other city that has reported in its point-in-time data, said Cole Chandler, the deputy director of Johnston’s city homelessness initiative.

In its new report, the MDHI counted 7,327 total people who were homeless in Denver this year, according to the data. Last year it was 6,539. The increase showed the continuing impact of the housing affordability challenge.

Cathy Alderman with the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless said she was encouraged by the decrease in street homelessness but disappointed that overall figures were still growing.

“The fact that chronic homelessness continues to increase year over year illustrates the stark reality that people are staying in the cycle of homelessness longer, because there are no long-term affordable housing options available to them,” said Alderman, the coalition’s chief communications and public policy officer.

MDHI also compiles data for the seven-county metro. There were 10,774 homeless people total across those counties this year, according to the data, up from 9,997, or a nearly 8% increase. That followed a 10% increase reported last year.

Under Johnston, who ran on addressing homelessness in Denver in the 2023 election, Denver — which deals with the bulk of the homelessness challenge — has added about 1,000 shelter beds, bringing the total count to about 3,000. Under the All In Mile High initiative, it opened several former hotels as shelters and added a handful of tiny home micro-communities as the city moved inhabitants of street encampments indoors.

The city doesn’t plan on expanding its shelter bed capacity further, Chandler said. Instead, officials will work on getting more people into permanent housing, he said.

“We’re at the point in our strategy where we’re really focused on how do we get those folks … into permanent housing?” Chandler said.

That could be a difficult task if the city loses federal housing vouchers, which helps house low-income individuals and families, as the Trump Administration is proposing cuts to the program.

Denver will have to explore creative ways to expand its affordable housing options, Johnston said. That could include converting commercial properties to residential, allowing private development on public land and offering tax incentives to builders.

He called that effort “the next frontier” for the city.

Johnston’s administration will also use rapid-rehousing programs, which can include rent subsidies, to help low-income people get into short- or medium-term housing.

Beyond the federal headwinds, the state and city are also facing budget crunches.

Johnston announced mandatory furloughs for city employees last month and said there will be layoffs and budget cuts coming soon. He added that while his homelessness initiative will face cuts, they’re likely to be less substantial than for other programs.

“I don’t think we will see a major challenge in terms of our homelessness system this year,” Chandler said. “Looking forward, it’s really about: How do we establish efficiencies and make sure we have the best structure for long term?”

The initiative costs the city about $58 million each year.

In releasing its report, the MDHI says the rate that homelessness is growing appears to be slowing. There are also fewer “newly homeless” individuals, according to a news release from the organization, adding to the bright spot of the drop in unsheltered homelessness.

“The 2025 PIT count data reinforces what we already know: When we invest in coordinated, evidence-based solutions and work together across systems, we see measurable results,” said Jason Johnson, the MDHI’s executive director, in a statement.

The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development requires that cities conduct the point-in-time count each year.

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The lawsuit filed Monday against the U.S. Department of Justice and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives argues that returning the triggers would violate federal law, pose a threat to residents and law enforcement and worsen gun violence. It was filed in federal court in Maryland.

“It’s hard enough for our local law enforcement officials to protect Colorado communities from gun violence without the federal government willfully ignoring the law,” Colorado Attorney General Weiser said in a statement. “The law is clear: machine guns, and devices that turn a semiautomatic weapon into a machine gun, are illegal. We’re suing to stop the ATF and the administration from making our communities more dangerous by distributing thousands of devices that turn firearms into weapons of war.”

There had been several legal battles over the devices, which replace the typical trigger on an AR-15-style rifle. The Biden administration had previously argued the triggers qualify as machine guns under federal law because constant finger pressure on the triggers will keep a rifle firing, essentially creating an illegal machine gun.

Rare Breed Triggers, the maker of the devices, had argued that the ATF was wrong in its classification and ignored demands to stop selling the triggers before being sued by the Biden administration.

The Justice Department reached a deal announced last month with Rare Breed Triggers to allow the sale of forced-reset triggers with. The company was previously represented by David Warrington, Trump’s current White House counsel.

Under the settlement, Rare Breed Triggers agreed not to develop such devices to be used on handguns, according to the Justice Department. The settlement requires the ATF to return triggers that it had seized or that owners had voluntarily surrendered to the government.

The states’ lawsuit is being led by the attorneys general of Delaware, Maryland and New Jersey. Other states involved are Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, along with the District of Columbia.

The attorneys general in those states are all Democrats, though the office in Hawaii is technically nonpartisan.

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